Another trend of the last decade has been the expansion of possible sources of stabilisation through
financing from multilateral development banks and interstate financial support. Although international development banks in the legal sense are development institutions and not stabilisation mechanisms, de facto they are playing such a role in increasing volumes. We see such examples in the activities of the World Bank and the Asian Development Bank, and in 2020 - also in the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank and the New Development Bank (often referred to as the "BRICS Bank").
Very significant volumes - both in absolute and in relative terms - of bilateral stabilisation financing demonstrate its high importance, primarily for developing economies. China has become an extremely important donor during the 2010s. It is difficult to assess the scale of this lending, although the first estimates have already
appeared. Russia plays a critical role as a regional donor among the Eurasian countries (see below). The examples of China and Russia suggest the existence of such a stable phenomenon in a number of regions of the world. This phenomenon requires further close analysis and comprehension, not only in the context of official development assistance, but also in the context of stabilisation and anti-crisis functions - that is, the functionality of the GFSN.
Russia and the anti-crisis function in the global financial architecture
To date, the evolution of Russia from a recipient of resources to the status of a donor country is fully completed.
Russia plays a vital role as a regional donor among the Eurasian countries. Financial assistance is provided both through official development assistance and macro-stabilisation support. Macro-stabilisation support from Russia in relation to Armenia, Belarus, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan was provided in the form of bilateral loans, debt cancellation, and gratuitous assistance. As a rule, this kind of assistance has made it possible to mitigate the budgetary and debt vulnerability of countries, as well as to refinance the existing debts to the Russian Federation. According to a conservative estimate, in 2009-2019 Armenia received $0.5 billion, Belarus $4.4 billion, and Kyrgyzstan $0.3 billion. In the case of Kyrgyzstan, the volume of bilateral support from Russia in 2016-2019 alone almost doubled the volume of financial resources received from the IMF and the EFSD for 2009-2019. In addition, at the multilateral level, Russia, being the largest shareholder of the EFSD, significantly influences the maintenance of macroeconomic stability throughout the region.
Russia's active participation in the field of international development assistance at the multilateral and bilateral levels opens up opportunities for the country to maintain economic stability in the region, promote sustainable development, promote and protect its own economic interests, realise the potential of mutual trade and investment, and stimulate integration processes.
There is competition, complementarity, and cooperation in the global financial safety net. There is a lively discussion among representatives of international financial organisations about the pros and cons of the current state of affairs. In my opinion (which is shared by many
researchers), the regionalisation and prosperous multilevel structure of the GFSN is more a boon than a problem. The role and weight of the regional level of GFSN is growing. This kind of "positive de-globalisation" and the strengthening of non-globalisation levels is a solution to the problem of unequal GFSN coverage. With new benefits, new risks inevitably appear. First of all, this concerns the issues of coordination within the GFSN and the risks of suboptimal resource allocation (these discussions are carried out using the terms moral hazard and facility shopping).
We come to the most important thing. A preliminary analysis of the reactions of various anti-crisis elements of the world financial architecture to the spread of the coronavirus infection suggests the high importance of global institutions. At the global level, the IMF responded to the severity of the situation extremely
quickly and fully. As part of its emergency response programmes, the IMF has expanded the limit on available funds to $1 trillion. By the end of April 2020, 103 countries (more than half of the members of the organization!) have sent applications for emergency funding. The IMF has doubled access to its emergency instruments, approved debt relief for 25 low-income countries through a reformed Catastrophe Containment and Relief Trust (CCRT) and created a Short-Term Liquidity Line to help manage liquidity. By its actions, the IMF has strengthened its place at the centre of the GFSN, which was once again recorded in the G20
Joint Communiqué. The actual strengthening of the IMF (centre) contradicts the thesis of de-globalisation.
The G20 and the Paris Club, with the support of the IMF and the World Bank, have agreed for the first time to temporarily suspend debt service payments for 77 low per capita and lower middle income countries. The initiative is expected to provide liquidity to help these countries cope with the health and economic impact of the crisis. This example shows the possibility and presence of political will for coordination in a crumbling world. This initiative was also supported by
China.
At the regional level, the European Stability Mechanism (ESM) has
announced its commitment in principle to provide massive financial support. The ESM is ready to provide an anti-crisis credit line totalling up to 2% of the GDP of the state that has requested such support. This corresponds to approximately 240 billion euros for the 19 states of the eurozone. The EFSD also provides its resources for the member countries and the EFSD (the first "anti-coronavirus" loan was approved on
August 3). At the regional level, the MDBs did not remain aloof from providing anti-crisis support. Thus, ADB
presenteda 20 billion dollar package of comprehensive support measures for developing countries-participants for $20 billion in order to mitigate and overcome the consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic. During 2020-21, the WB
will allocate up to $ 160 billion to combat the spread of COVID-19 in the form of long-term financial support to states.
What conclusions can be drawn from this?